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Disco Donnie and
the Days of Rave
All Disco Donnie
wanted to do was throw some wild parties. Then he threw New Orleans
into the center of a national debate over music, drugs, the First
Amendment and pacifiers.
By Cristina Diettinger
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The most striking thing in Betty
Estopinal's Metairie CPA office is a massive portrait of her
son Disco Donnie, constructed entirely of Mardi Gras
beads. Portrait courtesy John
Lawson/Barrister's Gallery
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The
stench of smoke and must rises to the State Palace Theatre's massive
balcony. It's a few minutes until the start of the first local
screening of Rise: The Story of Rave Outlaw Disco Donnie, a
new documentary about the heyday of the local rave scene and its
legendary promoter. The line to get into this all-night party
stretches up Canal Street and halfway around the block on Elk's
Place, where paint chips from the theater's unkempt exterior drop to
a sidewalk flooded almost exclusively with white high school- and
college-aged kids. Girls in halter tops sparkle with body glitter,
chatting up boys in baggy pants. Eager to get inside, each patron
meets with a security bottleneck at the door. Bags, pockets and
shoes are searched; IDs are checked. An enormous sign above the
doors prohibits glow materials, Vicks inhalers, Vicks Vapo Rub, dust
masks and infant pacifiers.
Inside, the curtain opens to whoops and howls. The
opening credits feature QBert -- a seminal hip-hop DJ, hailed for
his elevation of turntablism as an art form -- collecting his
luggage from the local airport carousel. Like most of the passengers
on his flight, he's on his way to a Mardi Gras party, namely Zoolu,
a rave at the State Palace Theatre. As the film plays on, a host of
international DJs appear, including marquee names such as Josh Wink,
Nigel Richards and Derrick Carter.
But none of these performers is the star of the
film.
That honor is reserved for event promoter James D.
Estopinal Jr., aka Disco Donnie, who first appears dressed in an
orange vinyl tracksuit and a Wagner's Meat T-shirt, gold sunglasses
and a bottle opener on a gold rope around his neck. "We're going to
a party," he says to start the film, flashing both rows of
stark-white teeth in a wide grin. "Twenty-five hundred or 3,000 of
my closest friends."
Estopinal's wildly popular parties at the State
Palace Theatre became the stuff of rave legend by early 2000. Yet it
wasn't just innovative productions and financial success that landed
him in Time, Rolling Stone and The New York
Times. The parties -- along with their venue and promoter -- won
their fame thanks to a national controversy that would eventually
grow to include the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), both
houses of Congress and the entire entertainment industry.
GROWING UP ON THE WEST BANK, James D. Estopinal Jr. got his first taste
of nightlife via his father. A hardworking attorney, James Estopinal
Sr. gave up his practice in 1979 after he separated from 8-year-old
Donnie's mother. Known as "Disco Jim," the elder Estopinal took a
job as a DJ at a bar called Scratches on Behrman Highway. Sometimes
on weekends, Donnie's mother would let him go there with his father.
"I would sleep on the floor, go through records, play video games,
help stock beers, stuff like that," the younger Estopinal recalls.
Once, Disco Jim staged an "urban
cowboy" show at the bar. Dressed in chaps, he played the theme song
from The Good, The Bad and the Ugly and had patrons sign a
liability release form before mounting the quarter-a-ride hobbyhorse
he'd rented for the occasion. Another time, he encouraged everyone
to get naked to a Rolling Stones record.
When he wasn't spinning records,
Disco Jim lived in a motor home parked in a field near the bar. "I
thought it was awesome that he lived in a motor home," says Disco
Donnie. "I saw all kinds of stuff kids aren't supposed to see."
Most of the time, though, Estopinal
lived with his mother, Betty Estopinal, a CPA who now runs her own
accounting firm in Metairie. The most striking thing in her office
is a massive portrait of "Disco Donnie" dancing in a leisure suit,
constructed entirely of Mardi Gras beads. "That's my son!" she says
proudly.
As a student at Arden Cahill Academy
in Gretna, Disco Donnie loved sports and social success. "Everyone
would call him to see what he was doing. He was always the one that
planned things, that made things happen," Betty Estopinal says. When
he wasn't in school, he traveled with his mother, often in an old
Datsun with no air conditioning, on trips to places such as the
Grand Canyon, Yellowstone National Park and Winter Park Resort.
|
The raid on
the 2000 "Phuture Phat Hong Kong Phooey" show thrust New
Orleans into the national debate over raves.
| In
1980, Betty Estopinal came down with a potentially deadly form of
meningitis that required a four-month hospital stay. "It was a scary
time, but the thing that upset him the most," she recalls, "was that
nobody told him I could die until after I was OK."
Disco Donnie entered Louisiana State
University in 1990, planning to follow in his mother's footsteps and
become an accountant. In college, he threw small parties in bars,
mostly for his fraternity, which he led as president. When he
returned to New Orleans after graduating in 1994, he briefly worked
for his mother and took a job waiting tables at night. One night, a
few gay men he worked with invited him to a dance party at Cafe
Istanbul, a now-defunct club on Frenchmen Street. "I felt misplaced
when I first came back here," he recalls as he twists the sideburns
of his 1970s haircut into little curls. "Until I found this. I was
totally floored."
From then on, he set himself on a
mission -- to spread the word about the culture he had found. "My
personal crusade was not to let this scene pass by anybody else," he
says. He passed out flyers and invited his fraternity brothers to
attend dance parties around town and quickly became known as "Disco
Donnie," a nickname that he considers an early rite of passage into
the family of ravers he was helping to build.
Estopinal's first dance events were
intimate affairs for a close-knit group of college-aged clubbers. He
booked local DJs at Cafe Istanbul, the Audubon Hotel on St. Charles
Avenue and the previous incarnation of the Zeitgeist
Multi-Disciplinary Arts Center on Magazine Street in the Lower
Garden District. Working with partners including Dan Millstein, aka
DJ Stryfe, Estinopal organized the parties under a series of
"company" monikers such as Moon Patrol, a precursor to his current
entities, Disco Productions and the Freebass Society.
When the parties outgrew small clubs,
Estopinal and his cohorts found larger, less legitimate venues. They
posed as a sound equipment company to gain access to a stinky fish
warehouse on Erato Street for a regular Friday night event. "No
liquor license, no insurance, no security," he recalls. "Totally,
like, stupid. Five hundred people started showing up to these
things, and it got really risky. It's a six-story place, someone
throws a two-by-four out the window, and it hits someone in the
head. Stuff like that started happening. We knew that if we wanted
to get bigger, we had to go legal."
THROUGHOUT THE GOLDEN AGE OF GRUNGE,
the State Palace Theatre had featured acts such as Smashing Pumpkins
and Pearl Jam and had hosted the New Orleans premiere of the Dave
Matthews Band in 1995. A family business owned and operated by
brothers Robert and Brian Brunet and their father Rene Brunet, it
had a security staff, proper insurance policies and ticket sales
through Ticketmaster. It was also tailor-made for raves. With its
ornate opera-house architecture and multiple performance rooms, the
State Palace could accommodate dozens of DJs and live acts and
throngs of electronic music fans.
The first few State Palace raves,
held in 1995, drew crowds in the hundreds, and the first Freebass
Society Mardi Gras party at the State Palace, Zoolu 2, held in
February 1996, netted about $12,000. State Palace co-owner Robert
Brunet learned quickly that there was money to be made from raves:
"I said to Donnie and Dan, 'Hey, I don't know shit about the music
you promote, and y'all don't know shit about putting on a show.' So,
I proposed that we partner up. Donnie and Dan were peeing in their
pants they were so excited. Donnie's not a dumb guy." Estopinal
insists that he was the one to put a deal on the table with Brunet
and that he wasn't altogether clueless about putting on shows. But
he also admits that the bottom line was never his primary concern.
"Donnie was always about the music,"
says Brunet. "He was always all, 'I'm concerned about how other
promoters are going to feel about this,' or, 'I'm concerned about
this not being the right thing for the kids.' I was like, f--k the
other promoters."
Eventually, Estopinal's success meant
he began receiving investment opportunities: a clothing line, a
record label, a bagel shop. "I was so busy goofing off, I was like,
whatever," he says. "I was spontaneously successful and I knew that
it would be hard to duplicate that. I had seen enough VH1 Behind
the Music to know that. I was resigned to the fact that one day,
it would end, or slow down, or change."
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"I felt
misplaced when I first came back here," says Disco Donnie
(pictured), who graduated LSU in 1994. "Until I found
this." | "YOU EVER SEEN A BUILDING'S WALLS SWEAT?" asks local raver
and Web archivist Bruce Burge, referring to the height of the State
Palace rave scene, from 1996 to 2000.
Estopinal's parties became nationally
known for bizarre themes and attractions. There was a dance contest
MC-ed by Fred Berry (the now-deceased actor who played Rerun on the
television sitcom What's Happening!!), a surprise set by 2
Live Crew, a puppet show by local novelty act Quintron and a
traditional Mardi Gras second line by ReBirth Brass Band. At one
party, the San Diego group Crash Worship led a drum-pounding
processional that included a naked woman drenched in wine. Another
time, Estopinal turned on all the house lights at 3 a.m. and had a
choir sing "Amazing Grace" into the cavernous theater.
Some parties had cryptic titles like
"Onslaught," and "Fire," and others took on more twisted themes like
"Psychedelic Pimp-Daddyland," "Caffeine Sex Fiend," and "Supaphat
Hong Kong Phooey." Later, Estopinal reincarnated successful parties
with "brand" names such as, "Supaphat Hong Kong Phooey Twooey,"
"Phuture Phat Hong Kong Phooey," "Caffeine Mean Joe Greens," and
"Caffeine Mr. Green Jeans."
Freebass Society parties also
featured top-tier electronic music talent such as the Crystal
Method, Paul Oakenfold and Thievery Corporation. In 2001, Scott
Kirkland of the Crystal Method told the online magazine New
Orleans Electronica Digest, "[Donnie] is always willing to do
something for New Orleans that no other person in the country is
willing to do, to make a connection to the people that go out and
pay $20 and $30 a night to get into an event."
Talking to Freebass Society devotees,
it's clear that they hold a near-eerie allegiance to Estopinal and
the scene he created. Mostly in their early 20s, these ravers are
visibly cautious when asked about their leader's antics, offering
responses like, "Donnie would kill me," or, "I have a story, but
it's X-rated." To some attendees, Estopinal held celebrity status.
"People wanted to meet him, hang out with him or just touch him,"
says local DJ and upstart promoter Swede White. "They wanted to
shake his hand and say thanks for the great time."
DISCO DONNIE WAS AT HOME, trying on
outfits and styling his hair when agents from the DEA's New Orleans
field office entered the State Palace Theatre on Aug. 26, 2000, just
before "Phuture Phat Hong Kong Phooey" was set to begin. When
Estopinal finally arrived, he found police cars, lights flashing,
scattered around the venue's one-block perimeter. The police had
sealed off the theater's entrance before its doors opened to
patrons, leaving thousands of ravers spilling onto Canal Street.
From 9 p.m. until 1 a.m., DEA agents
scoured the premises, seizing files, computers, party favors and as
much bottled water as they could haul away. The agents found
virtually no illegal drugs inside the theater -- and no proof that
Estopinal and the Brunets were involved in any type of drug dealing.
The following Monday morning, the promoters discovered that that
wasn't the issue at hand.
At a meeting with their attorneys,
Estopinal and the Brunets learned that they were being indicted
under grand jury charges of violation of the so-called "crack house
statute" and ongoing criminal enterprise, a charge that carried a
possible sentence of 20 years to life. It was the first time that
the federal government used the 1986 law to indict venue managers
and event promoters for drug dealing and consumption at their
events, rather than charging the pushers and consumers themselves.
"I was in shock," Estopinal recalls.
For the next several months, life was
bizarre for Disco Donnie. "It was crazy," he says. "Every
conversation had to be outside. I had to hide everything." His daily
duties went from waking up past noon and planning parties with hip
DJs, to waking up for early morning meetings with his attorney and
then driving to his mother's house to have an outdoor conversation
for fear the phones were tapped.
"You feel funny when somebody's
watching you for months and you don't know it," he says. "You start
getting paranoid. You start thinking, 'Oh my God, I'm just going to
turn myself in.' I was thinking of every bad thing I'd ever done,
like that time in kindergarten when I cheated on that test. If they
followed Mother Teresa around for eight months, they could put her
in jail."
|
Photo by Luke
Bullock | "At the time, we thought we were doing our best," Brunet says
of security measures at State Palace raves. "We thought, 'We don't
want people doing drugs in here, but it's not necessarily our job to
be the police.' I wouldn't say it was a foolish opinion, considering
that's how every other venue in town saw it." Reflecting on the
roller-coaster ride that his partnership with Estopinal became, he
seems half-regretful, half-amused. "Someday, I swear," he says, "I'm
going to write a book about this. It has all the makings: music,
sex, drugs, cops, attorneys, courts."
It also has a tragic death. In August
of 1998, 17-year-old Jillian Kirkland of Mobile, Ala., was rushed to
Charity Hospital after suffering convulsions from drug complications
at a State Palace Theatre rave. She died after lying in a coma for
several days. The incident marked a low point for Estopinal, whose
father had passed away just a few weeks before the incident.
"I felt terrible that that had
happened at one of my events," he says. "At some point, I was like,
well f--k it, I don't want to do this anymore. It hurt. But I had a
lot of friends around and they convinced me to keep going."
About one month after Kirkland's
death, Estopinal says, three DEA agents visited his apartment on
Bourbon Street in the Faubourg Marigny, unannounced, at seven
o'clock on a random morning. He says the agents questioned him about
drug dealers at the State Palace Theatre raves, telling him that
they were certain he knew who they were. After he insisted he did
not know, the agents asked him what his yearly income was. They told
him they could "take care of him" if he agreed to identify the drug
dealers. Again, Estopinal denied having the information. "They told
me what a horrible person I was," Estopinal recalls, "and that I was
destroying people's lives."
Richard Woodfork, public information
officer for the New Orleans division of the DEA, would not verify or
deny Estopinal's story or provide any specific information about the
investigation.
Estopinal had already suspected that
DEA agents were at large at his parties. By the late '90s, the DEA
had made its "Club Drug Campaign" public, and mainstream media was
rife with coverage of raves as drug-fueled death traps. "Every time
we did a party at the State Palace," he says, "somebody said it was
going to be raided." He was well aware that the DEA had launched a
national investigation of raves and the club drugs associated with
them. He wasn't aware, however, that he and the owners of the State
Palace Theatre were subjects.
For eight months, beginning in
January of 2000, Estopinal and the State Palace Theatre were under
investigation by the DEA. "I should have known," says Estopinal. "It
was on the Internet. They were calling me on the phone, pretending
they were promoters from out of town, asking me about throwing
raves, trying to get me to say stuff about drugs. I'd tell them
security keeps them out of there."
Agent Michael Templeton and his task
force officers were collecting evidence for an application for the
search warrant that they needed to raid the theater. Templeton's
affidavit for a search warrant states that he and other agents,
acting undercover, observed rampant consumption and sales of Ecstasy
and LSD that "neither the security guards nor the management of the
State Palace Theatre did anything to curtail." It said that the
venue sold glow sticks, bottled water, pacifiers and other "drug
paraphernalia" at their events. Templeton also stated that at "Zoolu
6," on March 4, 2000, one undercover agent made "a total of 25
purchases of controlled substances, particularly MDMA, averaging one
every four minutes."
Previous congressional testimony by
New Orleans Field Division Special Agent in Charge George
Cazenavette (now retired) revealed the division's belief that DJs
were involved in the distribution of drugs in the venue and that
drugs were stored inside sound equipment and distributed to the
crowd by "runners" with VIP badges.
ELECTRONIC MUSIC HAS SPAWNED DOZENS
OF SUBGENRES-- house, trance, techno, drum'n'bass -- and its
enthusiasts often travel hundreds of miles to go to a rave. "We'd
sell tickets in 20 states," says Estopinal. "People were coming from
everywhere because they had to see a certain DJ, so they could cross
him off their list." Most ravers say the idea that people only come
to raves to do drugs is ludicrous. It's for the music, they say. Yet
few deny that there are other factors involved.
|
Photo by Luke
Bullock | Some say it's about "PLUR." Known as "the core of the scene,"
PLUR stands for "Peace, Love, Unity, Respect," a philosophy that
sets up a utopian social atmosphere at raves. Some say the positive
vibes at raves are contagious, that the experience can be
life-changing, with or without drugs. "It's a life we've all chosen
to lead," says DJ Tommie Sunshine, who was dragged to his first rave
after a Grateful Dead show in the early '90s.
Sensory stimulation -- frenetic
music, laser light shows, video projection, thousands of partygoers
in one building -- is another draw. Eye candy is provided by
patrons, who consider themselves part of the show. There are few
fashion parameters -- especially at New Orleans parties such as
Zoolu. Looks range from multi-colored wigs and hair extensions,
feathers, and bra tops spangled with glitter to homemade cut-up
skirts, Mohawks, piercings, and all shapes and colors of eyewear. At
a recent State Palace rave, a man with a multicolored, checkerboard
haircut carried a stuffed monkey painted with blue glitter.
Like its fashions, rave dancing
varies from region to region and depends on the style of music being
played, but the basic moves consist of curving motions interspersed
with sharp poses. The physical manifestation of the culture, rave
dancing combines the fluidity of psychedelia and the angular
"futuristic" aesthetic as it melds together in the bliss of the
dance floor.
If raves are all about sound, lights,
fashion, dancing and feeling good, then drugs can only help to kick
the party up a notch -- or at least that's what some ravers say. The
drug most commonly associated with raves is Ecstasy, or MDMA, which
causes body temperature to rise, possibly leading to dehydration --
especially in combination with hours of vigorous dancing. Fainting,
seizures and, in severe cases, death can result. Although research
is inconclusive, some have also linked Ecstasy to mood fluctuations,
memory loss and a number of other long-term risks. Nonetheless, it
remains the drug of choice for some ravers.
Jim (who agreed to be interviewed but
not identified) is a 25-year-old rave enthusiast who lives in Baton
Rouge and works for the State of Louisiana. "You can have raves
without drugs," he says, "but you would lose what makes a rave so
great, the freedom to dance, to get high, to live. A rave without
drugs would be like a bar without alcohol."
"That's so not true," says raver
Bruce Burge. "Drugs aren't the draw to these parties; the music is."
Burge, now 24, admits that drugs are what brought him to the rave
scene when he was younger. "But once I was in it," he says, "I
started meeting people that were different than everything I knew.
There were no racists, no homophobes. Everyone was judged for who
they were as a person, and that changed my ideas about my life and
where it was going." Burge, now sober, says he doesn't feel out of
place in the scene because he doesn't do drugs.
Throughout Rise, in an
MTV-style "confessional," director Julie Drazen asks every interview
subject if they are rolling (a slang term for being high on
Ecstasy). Most say yes, many who say no are accused of lying, and
one can't stop chewing gum long enough to speak, indicating the
compulsive jaw-clenching effect of Ecstasy.
THE UNPRECEDENTED APPLICATION OF THE
CRACK HOUSE STATUTE to raves at the State Palace Theatre baffled the
attorneys involved. Estopinal's original attorney, Milton Masinter,
advised him to plead guilty and serve one year in a minimum-security
prison. "He had a picture of the jail," Estopinal recalls. "He said,
'See, you can't cross the street, but there's some grass where you
can walk around and a basketball court.' I'm thinking, 'Oh, that's
not so bad.'"
But Estopinal believed he was
innocent. Shutting down raves and rave promoters, he thought, would
do little to protect children from the dangers of street drugs.
Eventually, he decided that he would neither plead guilty nor accept
any plea agreement he was offered. With a new attorney (Patrick
Fanning) and the help of the American Civil Liberties Union's Drug
Policy Litigation Project director Graham Boyd, he decided to fight
the federal government.
|
Photo by Luke
Bullock | Members of the electronic music industry organized EM:DEF
(Electronic Music Defense and Education Fund) to raise money for
Estopinal's defense. "I'm not going to pretend to be all deep or
whatever," he says, "but I have a lot of friends that I made all
these years, and they had a lot riding on me. I was like, 'Well,
screw this, I'm not pleading guilty. I'm going to take the chance.
I'm a gambling man. If you want to put me away for 20 years, good.'
That's how I started feeling."
In March of 2001, then-U.S. Attorney
Eddie Jordan dropped the charges. A second case charged Barbecue of
New Orleans Inc., the local corporation owned by the Brunets doing
business as the State Palace Theatre, with conspiracy to violate the
crack house statute. Judge Thomas Porteous accepted a guilty plea,
and the corporation paid a fine of $100,000 (less than the court
costs would have been had the case gone to trial). Owners of the
State Palace also agreed to ban all "drug paraphernalia" such as
pacifiers, glow sticks and Vicks inhalers, all said to enhance the
sensory effects of Ecstasy.
On June 18, 2001, the RAVE (Reducing
Americans' Vulnerability to Ecstasy) Act was introduced in the U.S.
Senate. Sponsored by Sen. Joe Biden, D-Del., the RAVE Act aimed to
expand the crack house statute to target music promoters, venue
managers and landowners. The bill carried a civil liability of
$250,000 or twice the gross profits of the event in question, in
addition to its criminal penalties of up to 20 years in prison and
$500,000 in fines. On the Senate floor, Biden said that the
legislation was necessary because promoters "profit from exploiting
and endangering young lives," citing the New Orleans case as an
example.
The ACLU, the International
Association of Assembly Managers and EM:DEF all attacked the bill as
anti-First Amendment. Two of the bill's original sponsors, including
Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., Chairman of the Senate Judiciary
Committee, withdrew their support. A retooled RAVE Act resurfaced
the following year. Now called the Illicit Drug Anti-Proliferation
Act, the bill applied to any type of concert or entertainment event.
Its writers had also removed its controversial "findings" section,
which had attempted to codify an inextricable relationship between
raves and club drugs. A conference committee tacked the new,
broad-based act onto the Amber Alert Bill -- a popular piece of
legislation that deals with child abduction and sexual exploitation
of children -- which passed in April. Leahy issued a press release
recognizing objections to the bill and its inclusion in the "hastily
assembled" conference package.
It might be too early to tell what
kind of impact this law and others like it will have on the
entertainment industry. Some promoters, such as the entertainment
conglomerate Clear Channel, are not threatened by it. "Clear Channel
Entertainment finds the Illicit Drug Anti-Proliferation Act and the
amendment to the Amber Alert to be positive legislation for the
facilities management industry," reads the company's official
statement on the matter.
More concerned is the New
Orleans-based music promoter Superfly Productions. Organizers of the
annual Bonnaroo Music Festival in Manchester, Tenn., the independent
company regularly promotes concerts by acts associated with the
"jamband" scene spawned by the Grateful Dead -- a band often
associated with illegal drug use. Superfly principle Jonathan Mayers
is wary of the law's possible applications, but also confident that
concert promotion is a legitimate business and a cultural necessity.
"People are always going to want to gather and be entertained," he
says. "I'm not going to let a law that was meant to attack something
else stop me from doing what I do. If someone wants to interpret
that law to an extreme degree, then there are going to be problems
about everything we do and how we live."
Biden and the DEA both say that the
language of the Illicit Drug Anti-Proliferation Act protects venues
from being prosecuted for incidental drug use by their patrons and
that a venue that does not promote the use of drugs has nothing to
worry about. "Where there is a major concern about the consumption
of drugs, we have to get involved," says the DEA's Woodfork, "but we
would never shut down a legitimate place where there are concerts
and music." Harry William, an attorney with the ACLU, is not so
sure. "The real history of this is that Biden slipped this language
in the Amber Alert bill without any debate because they'd lost the
debate before, when various groups were adamantly opposed to it on
First Amendment grounds," he says.
Gary Blitz, national coordinator of
EM:DEF, says that for independent producers, just the threat of a
lawsuit can be chilling. "Let's say you set up a tour or event that
costs several million dollars to produce," he says. "Then the venue
manager gets wind of the RAVE Act and voluntarily pulls the plug on
your event. Then you don't even get a day in court." Even if you
did, argue some detractors, an independent promoter might not have
the resources and finances to defend itself.
This scenario has already occurred.
Just one month after the legislation passed, a NORML rally to
benefit the campaign for medical marijuana was shut down in
Billings, Mont., when a DEA agent informed the venue owners that
they could be prosecuted for drug use by their patrons under the new
federal law. Biden and the DEA both called this instance a
misinterpretation of the law, but not before the event was canceled.
More recently, the owner of Element,
a nightclub in Austin, Texas, was allegedly advised by local police
to cancel an Oct. 26 performance by drum'n'bass DJ LTJ Bukem, a show
promoted by Estopinal's company, Disco Productions. Co-promoter
Damon Williams says that the club's owner, who could not be reached
for comment, was convinced that the show would bring too much
attention from police because of Estopinal's association with raves.
The Austin Police Department denied the allegations, and the show
was moved to a club in Dallas.
"It's definitely making it harder to
get venues," says Estopinal. Earlier this year, he helped Swede
White move a pair of events from Twiropa to the State Palace and
Ampersand when an investor pulled support. "My investor and his
attorney came across the RAVE Act and were aware of the State
Palace's troubles," says White. "When the new act passed and took
effect immediately, it was time for them to get out." White did not
reveal the name of his investor. "I would love to fight the law
personally," he adds, "but I do not have millions to spend on
attorneys."
Cutting-edge DJs still spin in almost
every city in the United States, but there's a sense, at least in
the local rave community, that things just aren't what they used to
be. Many people from the State Palace scene complain that today's
parties are less fun -- and attendance has dropped drastically. New
York-based journalist Bill Werde has written about raves for The
New York Times, The Village Voice and Urb, a
California-based electronic music and culture magazine. He penned an
article in the February 2003 issue of Urb titled "Rave Is
Dead" and thinks that the rave scene was bound to cycle down, or
change, regardless of legal trouble. "This was a scene that couldn't
possibly last," he says. "You just got the sense that it was a
matter of time before it ended. It's a shame because there was this
utopian vision that really worked when things were good."
ESTOPINAL HOPSCOTCHES ACROSS THE
PATIO behind the Tulane Avenue dance club Ampersand, kicks a sandal
off of one foot and offers a hand to shake. "My hand is clean," he
says, "but my socks didn't come back from the laundry."
It's 4 p.m. and the after-party to
the previous night's rave at the State Palace is as lively as it's
going to get on this sultry July afternoon. A DJ mixes from his
table at the front of the patio, his deep pulsating beats blaring
into the open air.
Between sips of Budweiser, Estopinal
says that the new law does not change the way he does business. "I
still don't deal with security," he says. "My job is to book
talent." Now living in Columbus, Ohio, with his girlfriend and their
2-year-old child, he still promotes electronic music events at
cities around the country, including New Orleans. He books talent at
festivals such as the local Halloween weekend Voodoo Music Festival,
which features a rave tent. He also books DJs at local clubs,
including the weekly House of Blues S.I.N. (Service Industry Night)
dance party. And he still throws regular parties at the State Palace
Theatre, with Zoolu 10 coming up Feb. 21.
Disco Donnie offers a sincere hug to
everyone at the party, even strangers, before he leaves to drive to
Metairie. "I want to go see my mom," he says. "She's worried about
me. I didn't come home last night."
Other Stories This Week in
Features:
Cover Story The
Rise of Rave
Feature CD
Reviews No
Absolutes Hearts
and Minds Health
News The
Mackie Report Health
Talk Dotcom
Doctors
Blake Pontchartrain™ New
Orleans Know-It-All
Shoptalk
Other Stories by Cristina
Diettinger:
Feature
12 30 03
A&E
Feature 11 25
03
A&E
Feature 11 18
03
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